FOREIGN RELATIONS
'Peace' Offensive Built on Trade Lure
Since their occupation of the Chinese mainland in 1949, the Chinese Communists have leaned head over heels on Soviet Russia in their foreign relations. Even since the first day of the regime, when Mao Tse-tung published his pamphlet on "People's Democratic Dictatorship," the Red regime in Peiping has adopted the "lean to one side" principle as the guidepost of its foreign policy, with a strong overtone of anti-Americanism.
In the past 10 years, Peiping has never for one moment lost sight of the primary goal of its foreign policy: to maintain and enhance the solidarity of the Soviet bloc and advance the world Communist movement. It has, contrary to the wishful thinking of many naive persons in the Free World, insisted on the principle of Soviet leadership of the so called "Socialist Camp," and on the universal applicability of the "path of the October Revolution." It is also the foremost spokesman in the Soviet bloc against Yugoslav-style "revisionism" which would disrupt Communist unity. Attacks on Marshal Tito originating from Peiping have often been more violent than that one heard from Moscow.
Some have held that in its expansion in Asia, the Chinese Communist regime would eventually run into headlong conflict with Soviet Russia. The fact, however, stands to the contrary. It is under the direction of 'Moscow that Peiping has been endeavoring to bring the countries in Asia into the "Socialist Camp." To this end, it adheres to the policy, enunciated at the XXth Congress of the Communist party of the Soviet Union in February, 1956 of trying to promote a "transition to socialism" in other countries by "peaceful means" - including subversion - if possible, but by force if necessary.
The Way of Mao
At first, the Chinese Communists exhorted other Asian Communists to instigate armed insurrections as a means to seize power. On November 16, 1949, shortly after the establishment of the Peiping regime, Liu Shao-chi, in a speech delivered at the World Federation of Trade Unions, prescribed for non-Communist Asian countries what he called "the way of Mao Tse-tung":
"The path taken by the Chinese people in defeating imperialism and its lackeys and in founding the People's Republic of China is the path that should be taken by the peoples of the various colonial and semi-colonial countries in their fight for national independence and people's democracy.
"The path which led the Chinese people to victory is expressed in the following formula:
"1. The working class must unite with all other classes, political parties, and ground organizations and individuals who are willing to oppose the oppression of imperialism and its lackeys, form a broad and nationwide united front and wage a resolute fight against imperialism and its lackeys.
"2. This nationwide united front must be led by and built around the working class, which opposes imperialism most resolutely, most courageously, and most unselfishly, and its party, the Communist party, with the latter as its center, and must not be led by the wavering and compromising national bourgeoisie or the petty bourgeoisie and their parties.
"3. In order to enable the working class and its party, the Communist party, to become the center for uniting all the forces throughout the country against imperialism, and to competently lead the national united front to victory, it is necessary to build up through long struggles a Communist party which is armed with the theory of Marxism-Leninism, which understands strategy and tactics, practices self-criticism and strict discipline, and is closely linked with the masses.
"4. It is necessary to set up wherever and whenever possible a national army which is led by the Communist party, and is powerful and skillful in fighting the enemies. It is necessary to set up the bases on which the liberation army relies for its activities, and to make the mass struggles in the enemy-controlled areas and the armed struggles coordinate with each other. Armed struggle is the main form of struggle for the national liberation struggle of many colonies and semi-colonies."
These were the advice given to Communists and pro-Communists in other Asian countries. And these were the basis of Peiping's foreign policy until it found out in Korea that it was not so easy as they first thought.
"Five Principles"
After the Korean truce and what happened in Vietnam, Peiping's foreign policy entered a new stage with the opening on April 26, 1954, of the Geneva conference. For the first time in their history the Chinese Communists participated in an international conference, and Chou En-lai, the No.3 man in the Red hierarchy, headed a delegation of 200 strong.
It was after the Geneva conference that the Chinese Communists started their new "peace offensive" against the other Asian countries. The principal weapon it has been using is Indian-style neutralism. It should be pointed out here that the Reds never thought too much of neutralism. They only made use of it to further their own aims. On November 1, 1948 the Cominform journal published an article by Mao Tse-tung, condemning the concept of neutrality as "completely false and kankrupt." This denunciation was repeated by Liu Shao-chi in his work "On Internationalism and Nationalism," published later in the same month. On July 1,1949, in his famous pamphlet "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship," Mar stated that: "Not only in China but also in the world, without exception, one either leans to the side of imperialism or to the side of socialism. Neutrality is more camouflage and a third road does not exist."
It was clear that the Chinese Communists were only changing their tactics but not the strategy. On his way back from the Geneva conference, Chou En-lai stopped over at New Delhi and Rangoon late in June, 1954 for talks with Nehru and U Nu respectively. In the joint communiqués issued at the end of the powwows, the "five principles of peaceful coexistence" were formally launched.
The five principles are: non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty, equality and mutual benefits, and peaceful coexistence. They sound harmless. However, it was through this beginning that Peiping succeeded in building up the Afro-Asian concept and infiltrating into the non-committed nations on the two continents.
Afro-Asian Concept
In September 1952, the Chinese Communists called the first "Asian and Pacific People's Peace Conference" in Peiping. The tone set in that meeting was indicative of the shifting foreign policy of the regime. Since then, similar Red-staged affairs were too many to enumerate. The more important ones were the much-touted first "Afro-Asian Conference" in Bandung, Indonesia, in April, 1955; the "Afro-Asian Students Conference" in Bandung in May, 1956; and the "Afro-Asian Solidarity Conference" in Cairo in December, 1957.
The tactical shift to "peaceful coexistence" on the part of the Peiping regime did not, of course, signify any fundamental change in its outlook or objectives. As late as 1955 and 1956, its press was still referring to the Communist insurgents in the Philippines as the "Philippine Liberation Army," and in 1958, Peiping still called the terrorists in Malaya the "Malayan People's National Liberation Army." The Chinese Communists still adhere basically to the "two camps" theory, but like the Russian Communists, they have found it wiser to speak from time to time of the "camp of peace, democracy and socialism." This phrase implies not only flattery to the neutral nations but also a conviction on the part of the Chinese Communists that these nations are indeed more ready than others for entry into the camp of socialism.
Thus under the subterfuge of the five principles, the Chinese Communists poked around the Afro-Asian countries with a many- pronged drive in an attempt to win them over, to stir up anti-Western sentiments and to build up pro-Communist "neutralism." Through economic and cultural infiltration, in cahoots with native Communist maneuverings, the Chinese Communists attempted to browbeat the wavering and inexperienced native governments into submission.
First, they employed the eye-washing "peace" as their propaganda catchword in the series of Afro-Asian conferences. From the "Asian Nations Conference" in New Delhi to the "Asian Solidarity Conference" in Cairo the Communists held virtual sway over the participants with the high-sounding slogans of "anti-war," "anti-atomic weapons," "anti-imperialism" and "anti-colonialism." They shoved the onus for atomic armament on the United States while leaving the Soviet Union, also armed to the teeth with nuclear weapons, scotfree. They equated "imperialism" with "capitalism" which many Western nations, notably the United States, not only openly espouse but are firmly cornerstone upon. With antipathy and resentment for the Western powers thus fanned up among the Afro-Asian nations, the Chinese Communists hoped to further promote neutralism in their favor.
Trade Lures
Secondly, the Peiping regime also dangled trade lures over the non-Communist nations. Its purpose was axiomatic—to sabotage the United Nations embargo, to split the anti-Communist front and to obtain war strategic goods. Furthermore, it goes without saying that in Communist strategem, trade is always a political tool. Prima facie evidences could be found in the case of Japan, which is too well-known to be recounted here.
Chinese Communist trade with India has expanded since the conclusion of an overall trade agreement in October 1954. Prior to the pact, Indian trade with Red China was limited only to a yearly barter of Indian gunny bags for Red Chinese rice.
Peiping's trade relations with Burma is still lingering on since the "three-year trade agreement" concluded in April 1954. In this agreement the Chinese Communists swapped coal, silk and light industrial goods for Burma's rice, beans and minerals.
Ceylon began its trade with Red China in 1952. The chief barter was the latter's rice for the former's rubber.
Indonesia and Pakistan had their trade ties forged with the Chinese Communists beginning in 1953.
Hongkong, major entrepot for Communist China, has its trade volume with the mainland ever on the increase. Red exports to Hongkong hiked from HK$897,646,000 in 1955 to HK$1,131,102,000 in 1957. For the period of January to October 1958 Red exports came to the tone of HK$1,108,950,000. However, on the other hand, Red imports from Hongkong decreased pro rata. The HK$181,560,000 in 1955 tapered off to HK$123,351,000 in 1957.
Red Chinese trade with Southeast Asia was also on the increase. It was registered at US$352,800,000 in 1954 but climbed to US$420,000,000 in 1957.
Since the Afro-Asian conferences, the Chinese Communists have pushed a trade drive through the Middle East. Begun with purchase of Egyptian cotton, Peiping has fanned out into Syria, Lebanon, the Sudan, Lybia and Morocco.
Economic Aid
Coupled with trade, the Reds also doled out economic aid to some underdeveloped countries in paving the way for political penetration. Recipients of Red economic aid are:
Cambodia—By virtue of an "economic aid agreement" concluded in June 1956, Cambodia received Red Chinese materials and commodities worth 8,000,000 pounds sterling in 1956 and 1957.
Nepal—In a period of three years Nepal was entitled, as stipulated in an aid agreement initialed in October 1956, to receive Red handout amounting to US$12,600,000.
Yemen—Agreements reached in January 1959 obligated Peiping to build a highway and cotton textile and dying factories in that tiny sheikdom.
Extensive as the Chinese Communist drive in the non-Communist areas may be, some of their stunts have evidently backfired in their face. For example, as a result of the strong political overtones in the unlimited dumpings of Communist cut-rate goods in Southeast Asia, Malaya has imposed certain restrictions on Chinese Communist commodities. Thailand and Vietnam have banned imports from the mainland altogether.
To sum it up, the major types of pressure and attraction which Peiping exerts on the non-Communist Asian countries are as follows:
— "People's diplomacy"-Organized exchange of trade and aid, exchange of unofficial delegations and visitors.
— Massive and continuous propaganda stressing "traditional friendship" between these nations and China, praise for neutrality, Afro-Asian solidarity, anti-colonialism and anti-Americanism.
— Boundary disputes, such as those with Burma and India, apparently deliberately intended to provoke tension and postpone final settlement.
— Continuing appeals to overseas Chinese communities.
— Manipulation and indoctrination of exiles, as with Pridi Phanomyong from Thailand, New Seng from Burma, and K.I. Singh from Nepal.
— Formation of "autonomous" minority areas in the border regions on the Chinese mainland, in order to attract related peoples on the other side of the frontier, especially in Burma, Laos and Thailand.
<b>Moscow-Peiping Axis</b>
However, the basis of Peiping's foreign policy is its relationship with the Soviet Union. The regime is subordinate to and inseparable from the Kremlin. It has remained, and will continue to be, a satellite of Soviet Russia.
Since 1949, a total of 15 treaties and agreements were concluded between Moscow and Peiping, covering every thing from military alliance, mutual assistance, trade, Soviet aid to the two five-year reconstruction plans, to mine and oil exploitation, aviation, railway operation, navigation and postal exchange.
The heavy obligations incurred by Peiping in these 15 agreements have placed the vast Chinese mainland under the iron grip of the Russians. The back-breaking loans of Soviet machineries to be paid for by resources and farm products have hitched the Peiping regime to its Kremlin masters for generations to come. The droves of Soviet technicians and advisers now overseeing the Red Chinese industrialization and military buildup are keeping the regime under their thumb. On the strength of the 15 documents, the Russian Communists are able to control the Peiping regime body and soul, through air, land and underground (natural resources), and politically, militarily, economically, culturally, scientifically and technologically.
How Many Countries Recognize Peiping?
Besides the Soviet bloc including Yugoslavia, the Peiping regime has established diplomatic relations with the following 20 nations:
Nation Year
India 1949
Sweden 1950
Denmark 1950
Burma 1949
Indonesia 1950
Switzerland 1950
Finland 1950
Pakistan 1950
Norway 1950
Afghanistan 1950
Nepal 1955
United Arab Republic 1956
Yemen 1956
Ceylon 1950
Britain 1950
Cambodia 1958
Iraq 1958
Sudan 1958
Holland 1950
Morocco 1958
THE COMMUNIST PARTY
Spider Web Control Apparatus
The Chinese Communist party is the prime mover of the Gargantuan control machinery which holds every breath of the hundreds of millions of Chinese people and regiments them to their fingertips on the vast Chinese mainland. Soaped up by the party, the whole control mechanism is operated by the Chinese Communist "government" in close coordination with myriad public organizations chiefly by means of repression, indoctrination and rabid employment of mob psychology.
Mao Tse-tung unabashedly called the Chinese Communist party the "Leninist Party" for the party organized by "professional revolutionaries" was founded on the cardinal principles of Leninism. When languishing at Yenan in Shensi province during the pre-World War II days, Mao openly announced his master strategy to grab political power through three stages, namely, "party reconstruction," "armed struggle" and "united front."
He heavily banked on "party reconstruction" as the chief means of ascending to power. By "party reconstruction," he meant that the Communist party should seep into every stratum of society by setting up cells in factories, mines, schools, public organizations and last but not least, the countryside. When the National Government was resisting Japanese aggression, Mao used every means to develop the Communist party.
With its organization patterned after a military machine, the party became militant enough to undertake the second mission of "armed struggle." Where the "armed struggle" did not succeed, the Reds palmed off a political maneuver on the gullible, dupes and fellow travelers by dangling out the "united front" sign. They hoped that through the forming of a "united front" with other political elements they would pose themselves as an innocuous democratic political force in the eyes of the people in general. Once in the "front," they would ladder up through wiles and guiles to political power at the expense of the other political elements. At the same time they also started a smearing campaign to discredit the established government before the public and sabotage its operation from within.
Party is Omnipotent
In view of the omni-importance and omnipotence of the party in the whole Communist operation, the Communist cabal has pushed full tilt the development of its organization. At the time of the inauguration of the regime in 1949, the Chinese Communist party membership numbered 5,800,000 odd. However, it zoomed to 10,730,000 in 1956 and 12,720,000 in 1957. Workers constituted 13.67% of the total membership, peasants 66.83%, intellectuals 14.78% and others 4.72%. Among them, women numbered some 940,000 and youths 650,000. Since the establishment of the commune system, the party enrollment has further increased to 17,500,000.
The Chinese Communist regime, main instrument in the control machinery, is stupendous in scale and complicated in organization. With the exception of Soviet Russia, probably no other government in the world could rival it in size. For example, the "State Council" alone has more than 80 agencies under its direction.
The regime, with its seat in Peiping, spider-webs throughout the country down to the lowest level in hamlet and district by means of innumerable local governments. During the past ten years, as a result of the "Five Big Movements" and the "Three Major Reforms" and of late the commune system, the political regime has extended its control into national production and economics and regimentation in people's life. Every citizen on the mainland is compressed in the strait-jacket under its control.
20,000,000 Employees
In view of its magnitude and complexity, the Peiping regime had to mobilize huge manpower in manning its unwieldy machine. On the basis of 10,000, functionaries needed in each hsien (county), it is estimated that a total of 20,000,000 strong would be on Peiping's payroll, including the central, provincial and local levels.
This is in addition to the secret police, the "public security forces" and, of course, the army and the militia. The secret police controls all the "public security" organizations from the central level on down, while the latter, parallel to the army, has over 300,000 members stationed all over the country for the purpose of guarding against possible internal revolts.
Since the "socialist reform," people on the mainland have been totally shorn of land, private holdings and business and industrial interests which are either nationalized or collectivized. People are entirely pauperized with their own labor as the only thing they are permitted to possess. Their own labor however cannot be used for their own good. Everything is for the good of the state. The commune system has already turned the nation into a huge labor camp.
Through these drastic transformations, two opposite classes were formed on the mainland. One is the Communist ruling class who under the pretext of "collectivized ownership" has monopolized the resources of production and means of living. Yet on the other hand, the multitudinous mass, ruled by the Communists, have been herded into an ant-like labor camp, toiling and moiling just for a skimpy sub-subsistence ration.
Unlike the civic bodies in the democratic world which are formed spontaneously by like-minded people for the furtherance of community interest or public welfare, the so called "people's organizations" on the mainland are invariably dictated by the Communists and their functions are ordained to meet Communist needs. The people's organizations are mainly categorized into labor unions, farmers associations, women's associations and youth corps.
Youth Corps is Hard Core
The Chinese Communist Youth Corps is the hard core of Communist youth activities such as the "All-China Democratic Youth Federation" and the "All-China Students Association" orbiting around it. Dating back almost as early as the Communist party, it also serves as the pool of reserve for the party. In the past three decades, the corps has undergone many re-organizational changes under different labels. Up to 1959 it was estimated that its membership has snowballed to 23,000,000 with the number of branches amounting to 920,000 found all over the country. Of the spectrum of its stupendous membership were 9.91% in industrial enterprises, 59.44.% in rural areas, 2.92% in commercial establishments, 15.65% cultural and educational fields, 4.21% government organizations and 7.83% in armed forces. A total of 2,800,000 corps members has been groomed into full-fledged Communists from 1949 to 1956.
The "All-China Democratic Youth Federation" was organized in 1949 and composed of the "Youth Corps," the. "Women's Association," the "Chinese Christian Youth Association" and other units. An affiliate to the "World Democratic Youth Federation" masterminded by Soviet Russia, the federation keeps close contact with international Communist youth activities and serves as a major link with youth organizations in other Communist countries.
The "All-China Students Association" controls activities on the mainland as the parent organization of all students associations in all the provinces and cities. Subordinate to the "World Students Federation" under the Soviet wing, it has been instrumental in communizing the Chinese students.
The "All-China Democratic Women's League," formed in Peiping in 1949, has its branches permeating throughout the mainland. It virtually has a small unit in every street. Through this organization, women were mobilized for hard manual labor. According to the New China News Agency in a January 3,1959 report, one half of the mainland women were mobilized in the communes, with more than 73,000,000 women engaged in water conservancy projects, 12,810,000 in experimental farms and 67,350,000 in forestry, in addition to taking all the burden in the public mess halls, kindergartens and nurseries.
The "All-China Federation of Trade Unions" is the only workers organization on the mainland. The constitution of the ACFTU, adopted on December 12, 1957, provides that "Chinese trade unions are mass 'organizations of the working class led by the Chinese Communist party, and are the transmission belts between the party and the masses." Its total membership stood at 16,300,000 in 1957. An absolute servant of the Communist regime, the Federation once played a pre-dominent part in the struggle against the "national capitalists" and the movement of "joint state private ownership."
Farmers Association Outlives Function
The farmers associations have been turned into a historic relic since the institution of the commune system. As all the farmers have been cooped up in the communes, the association naturally outlives its functions. During the land reform period, it was the associations who, instigated by the Communist regime, carried out the task of totally wiping out the land owners.
Other people's organizations range into every sphere of activities, such as religion, culture, foreign relations and overseas Chinese. In every case they are piloted by the Communists, and under strict control of the party.
The numerous people's organizations on the mainland are in themselves a small iron curtain erected by the Communists with the people corralled up by means of their profession or trade. As, if put in prison cells, the masses in all organizations find that they can not escape from the all-seeing eye of the party.
The methods of control the Chinese Communists usually resort to are:
(1) Intimidation and terror: "Struggle," purge and killing are the main weapons the Communists used in consolidating their power.
(2) Starvation: The Reds keep the people on a starvation diet and thus are able to tote them to wherever they want them to go and to whatever they want them to do. They term it "the control of means of production and of living" by the party.
(3) Brain-washing and heart-surrendering: Through incessant indoctrination, the Communists have been trying to hypnotize the people and eventually make them to "surrender their hearts" to the Red rulers. Their aim is to replace party character for human character and turn man into automations who stand at the bidding of the Red masters.
(4) Regimentation: People are put in a callous regiment. "Counter-revolutionaries" and "deviationists" are placed under air-tight surveillance and entirely deprived of human rights. Others however are required to make "confession" before the Communists from time to time in order to see that they do no evil, speak no evil and see no evil. Men do not even have the "freedom of silence," as Dr. Hu Shih put it, because silence could mean disagreement with the Red masters.
(5) Control of job placement and schooling: Jobs are dished out by the Communist regime irrespective of the takers' wish or interest. Students are not permitted to choose schools or pursue their study in accordance with their aspirations. Schooling and job placement are all arranged by the state and imposed on the people who would have to accept them even if they have to leave for the Northwest provinces which are 2,000 miles from home.
MINORITY PARTIES
Window Dressing for ‘Democratic Dictatorship’
Hardly had the Chinese Communist regime opened shop in Peiping in 1949 before Mao Tse-tung flaunted a new-fangled shingle of "people's democratic dictatorship" which he said would become the rule of the thumb for the Communists to govern the country. By this self-contradictory name, the Communists meant a "joint dictatorship by four major classes-the working class, the peasantry, the national capitalists and the petty bourgeoisie." In fact, this was a Communist plot to make use of the minority parties in consolidating their power.
The minority parties are called "democratic parties and factions" in Peiping's official jargon. They were in their palm days during the Sino-Japanese war when the National Government, aiming at a full-bloomed democracy in China, convened a "Political Consultative Conference" which was participated in by all political parties for charting the supreme national policies.
When the Communists occupied the mainland, they also convened a so called "People's Political Consultative Conference." However, instead of pursuing democracy, the Reds utilized the good name of the conference to dupe the minority parties and attempt to exterminate them through persecution and prosecution.
The persecution by the Communists of the minority parties was divided into three periods:
(1) "People's Democratic Dictatorship Period"-The "People's Political Consultative Conference" held its inaugural session on September 21, 1949 and was given the sanctimonious power as the nation's "highest government organization."
(2) "Transitional Period"-The "People's Political Consultative Conference" began its second session on December 21, 1954. However, at that time the Conference relegated in status to a mere civic body as the Communists, by proxy of the so called "National People's Congress," had promulgated their "constitution."
(3) "Socialism Reconstruction Period"— The third session of the "People's Political Consultative Conference" began on April 17, 1959. By that time the Communist control of the minority parties was final and complete as all the parties had been thoroughly reformed to the Communist will and with the Communist dictates.
Honeymoon Period
At its inaugural meeting, the "People's Political Consultative Conference" had 662 representatives, with 60 of them Communist Party members. The others were representatives from eleven minority parties, "democratic personages," "non-partisans" and "special invitees."
The eleven minority parties were:
(1) "Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee" — Mainly Kuomintang outcasts, old-time politics and surrendered military men.
(2) The "China Democratic League" — Mostly composed of intellectuals in the cultural and educational fields as its backbone. It was infiltrated by 'the Communists long before 1949.
(3) The "China Democratic National Construction Association"-With members largely recruited from the national capitalists and the petty bourgeoisie.
(4) The "China Association for the Promotion of Democracy"-Made up of cultural workers, technicians and primary and middle school teachers.
(5) The "Chinese Peasants' and Workers' Democratic Party"—Mainly professionals with the majority from the medical and public health fields. The name hardly describes its ranks at all.
(6) The "Chinese People's National Salvation Party"— Later merged into the "China Democratic League" and eventually faded away.
(7) The "San Min Chu I Comrades Federation"— Absorbed later by the "Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee" and died unlamented.
(8) The "Kuomintang Democracy Promotion Association"— Also assimilated by the "Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee."
(9) The "China Chih Kung Party"-Active among overseas Chinese.
(10) The "Chiu San Society"— Appealing to the intelligentsia, particularly to engineers technicians.
(11) The "Taiwan Democratic Self-Government League"—Activities limited to Taiwanese on the mainland, Japan and the Hongkong-Macao area.
Although nominally the minority parties were promised equal political status by the Communists, they are verily gagged up by the Reds. Firstly they were barred from the armed forces, intelligence and public security organizations and the minority races. Farm communities and small towns are also off limits to them. Furthermore, the Communist party is empowered to interfere with the minority parties in organization, personnel, finance and activities. The Communists are permitted to infiltrate the minority parties by at least 2% (in some cases the membership of the other parties included as much as 50% or more who are CCP members). The Reds are entirely responsible for the training and educational programs of the minority parties.
For all its high-sounding mission, the first session of the "People's Political Consultative Conference" turned out to be not more than a lackey to the Communists. The first meeting of the Conference's first session played the part of footman in establishing the Communist regime. The second sitting in June 1950 rubber-stamped the land reform plan. The anti-American aid-Korea bill was rammed through the third session to sustain the Korean war.
Finds Role Changed
Beginning from 1953, the Communists successfully gained absolute control of the minority parties. At the same time, all commercial and industrial enterprises were turned into "joint ownership" and agriculture and handicraft collectivized. During the transitional period the national capitalists, petty bourgeoisie and minority parties faced an acid test on whether they were able to adapt themselves to the Communist way of thinking and life.
With the formal convocation of the "National People's Congress" and the promulgation of the "constitution" in September 1954, the People's Political Consultative Conference" has been dwarfed into an inanity from its former Communist-canonized role of "the nation's highest authority." Its new mission was not more than serving the Communists as a claque for Red antics and dramatics. It had no power, and served no other purpose than being a chorus to Communist policies and platforms.
The number of the minority parties participating in' the People's Political Consultative Conference" by that time was reduced to eight from its original 11, when it met for the second· session in December 1954. The errands for the minorities were largely confined to assisting the Communists in "realizing socialism," "supporting the constitution" and "learning Marxism to remold their basic thinking."
However, due to the Communist arbitrary methods to whip them in line, the minority parties began developing some resentful sentiment toward the Red rulers. The antipathy was given a forceful flip when the Hungarian revolt broke up and latent anti-Communist activities on the China mainland showed signs of following suit. Presumably sensing the restive feeling among the minority parties, Mao Tse-tung hang up a "let 100 flowers bloom, let 100 schools of thought contend" campaign in an attempt to sift out the wavers, infidels and deviationists among the minorities.
After an initial period of silence, some of the minority leaders naively believed in.
As the minority parties thus lost their originality and entity, their leaders faced an even a harder lot under Communist rule. These leaders were required to join in the so called "surrender our hearts" drive by offering their whole heart to the Communists and to Mao Tse-tung and writing "surrender heart" confessions. Furthermore, each of the minority parties must send its high representatives to an indoctrination center called the "Institute of Socialism" operated by the Communists but ostensibly under the sponsorship of the "People's Political Consultative Conference." Starting from October 1956, the "college" has completed indoctrinating more than 300 "thought reformers."
At the end of the reform campaign the so called "Socialism Reconstruction Period" began and the Communist rulers had their control further consolidated along the Socialist line. The Communist membership in the "People's Political Consultative Conference" boosted to over 60% when it met for the third session on April 17-29, 1959.
During the session, Chou En-lai in a report on the state of the administration, said that as a result of the anti-rightist movement the democratic parties and the national capitalists have undergone a comparatively more thorough rectification campaign. All the democratic (minority) parties have put their organization in order and will still be able to serve the functions of socialism by uniting with various forces in society, he said.
Chou voiced the need for continuation of the "people's democratic united front," saying that on the basis of service for socialism it is still necessary to continue consolidating and developing the united front. He said that with the recognition of the supreme Communist Party leadership, the democratic (minority) parties will be able to coexist with the Communist Party infinitely.
He himself does not, of course, believe in any word he says. The days, of the minority parties on the mainland are indeed numbered. No one would be surprised if Peiping should announce in a few years' time the elimination of all splinter groups.
Mao's sincerity to hear public views and began criticizing the Red administration. Some even went so far as to ask Mao himself to resign and demand the abolition of the "party rule." Others openly urged the withdrawal of the Communist party from schools and public organizations. They said Communist bureaucracy was more dangerous than capitalism.
'Anti-Rightist' Campaign
When the fiery critics pillorying high Communist officials and demanding their scalp, began seemingly running out of the Communist control, the Red regime took steps to crack down upon them. They employed the classic Communist method of "divide and rule" to purge the minority parties by "consolidating the leftwing clique, winning over the neutrals and isolating the right wingers." All the minority parties had to go through a drastic reform movement with all their rightists humiliated and sup pressed.
As a result of the reform campaign, many bigwigs labeled rightists were ostracized. The total number of the rightists booted out of the eight minority parties was:
(1) More than 2,000 from the "Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee."
(2) Over 4,300 from the "China Democratic League" with its control committeemen penalized numbering 59, almost one third of the total committee membership.
(3) Four hundred fifty-two from the "China Association for the Promotion of Democracy."
(4) Some 3,400 from the "China Democratic National Construction Association” with 30 high officials sacked.
(5) "Purge of the anti-socialism rightwing" was drastically carried out in the "Chinese Peasants' and Workers' Democratic Party."
(6) More than 700 ousted from the "Chiu San Society."
(7) Most of the "China Chih Kung Party" members were found rightist-inclined in thinking.
(8) Paralysis settled on the "Taiwan Democratic Self-Government League" in the wake of the reform movement with its leader, Miss Hsieh Hsueh-hung, threw into Red jail.
MILITARY EXPANSION
Peiping Threatens Asian Peace Security
The Chinese Communists have beefed up their military might for two chief purposes: to prop up the Communist regime and to propagate the Communist party. On the basis of this cardinal principle, the Reds first established their Red Army in 1927 and started their revolt against the National Government.
Since the inauguration in Peiping in 1949 of the puppet regime, the Red military machine has undergone a historic reorganization through the modernization and nationalization of the armed forces, now called the "People's Liberation Army," after the Soviet pattern. At the same time the Communists used their troops for furthering their political purposes by pitching them into the major political campaigns, such as the land reform, the "three-anti" campaign and the Korea war.
This was well attested in Mao Tse-tung's recent article in the "New China Bimonthly" that: "our troops are the troop of the proletariat and will give their life solely to the realization of the political purposes of the proletariat."
Military Reorganization
Nationalization of the Communist armed forces began with the activation at the end of 1949 of the "People's Revolutionary Military Council" with Mao Tse-tung as its chairman. This organization included such top Communist chiefs as Chu Teh, Liu Shao-chi, Chou En-lai and Peng Teh-huai who all were deputy chairmen, while among its members were such turncoats like Cheng Chien.
In the early period, Chinese Communist ground forces grouped into four field armies stationed in six major military areas, namely, Northeast, North China, Northwest, Southwest; Central South and East China. After 1950, a gradual modernization of their military force was seen in the establishing of the navy, the air force, the artillery corps, the armored corps, the engineering corps, the railway corps, the air defense corps and the public security force.
After the promulgation of the "constitution" in September 1954, the "Ministry of Defense" was set up in addition to the
"National Defense Council."
The chairman of the Red regime is the ex-officio chairman of this council which has become merely a military advisory body without actual powers. Its membership cuts across the spectrum of Red top brass above the provincial level and military turncoats. For example, General Wei Li-huang who defected to the Communists was given the honorific post of vice chairman of the "National Defense Council" in 1959 in succession to Lung Yun, who was termed a "rightist."
In April 1959, Liu Shao-chi becamy chairman of the Peiping regime and concurrently chain.nan of the "National Defense Council." Recently in August, another Soviet supported general, Lin Piao, succeeded Peng Teh-huai as the "minister of defense." And Lo Jui-ching, former secret police boss, replaced Huang Ke-cheng as "chief of general staff. All these may be regarded as signs that Moscow has been tightening its direct control over Peiping's war machine.
The six major military areas were abolished in 1943, and in their stead Peiping set up 10 first grade military areas, namely, Mukden, Peiping, Tsinan, Nanking, Foochow, Canton, Kunming, Chengtu, Lanchow, and Wuhan. In addition, there are three other special military districts-Sinkiang, Inner Mongolia and Tibet.
Conscription law
The conscription law was enacted by the Red regime in July 1955. Heretofore, the Red army was entirely composed of recruits who were impressed into the military service under the high-sounding name of "volunteers." The so called "voluntary service" was much deflated during the Korean war when 14,000 "volunteers" refused to be repatriated to the Communist-controlled mainland and bared the Red plot of drafting them into the war by means of mob psychology and bullying tactics.
As prescribed in the present law, males in the age range of 18 to 40 are subject to conscription. Beginning in 1955, the draft has become a yearly affair. The draftees numbered 1,000,000 in 1955, 800,000 in 1956, 600,000 in 1957 and 800,000 in 1958. The five-year total stood at 4,030,000 averaging about 800,000 each year.
In spite of the conscription law, the Reds however did not abandon the militia force for maintenance of peace and order, protection of industrial and reconstruction projects, and suppressing of "counter-revolutionaries." During the Taiwan Strait crisis in the fall of 1958, the Communists coined a new slogan of "all people are soldiers" with the launching of the commune movement. By the end of 1958, according to a Communist announcement, the militia force on the mainland had expanded to 170,000,000, about one third of the total population. In Inner Mongolia, according to a Red press report on September 5, 1958, a militia force of 28,000,000 had been formed. This means that in every three Inner Mongolians one is a militia man.
Aggressive Adventures
Since their occupation of the mainland, the Chinese Communists have started two aggressive wars in Korea and the Taiwan Straits and participated indirectly in two more, Vietnam and Laos.
Peiping joined the Korean war in force on October 10, 1950 by sending two armies and two artillery divisions across the Yalu River from Antung. The Red Chinese troops, under the guise of "volunteers," had their first encounter with United Nations forces in North Korea on October 25. The Communists employed "human sea" tactics in face of superior firepower of the United Nations forces. As a result, they suffered heavy casualties numbering 1,430,000. At least ten Red armies were totally wiped out. Military vehicles of various types destroyed totaled 65,000. Eighty-nine ammunition depots were bombed out. The United Nations air force and ground fire shot down 642 MIG-15's and other types of warplanes, possibly destroyed 145 others and damaged another 780. However, the Reds still claimed a "victory" over the forces of 16 United Nations members in Korea.
In the wake of Khrushchev's visit to Peiping in July 1958, the Chinese Communists began redeploying their air force units from North and South China to air bases in Fukien province and their torpedo boats from Shanghai, to Amoy. At 1930 hours August 23, 1958 more than 300 Communist heavy artillery pieces began the heaviest barrage on Kinmen island. For two hours and 40 minutes the Communists lobbed a total of 58,000 shells on the small offshore island.
Thus ticked off the battle of the Taiwan Straits. For more than a month the Communists continued shelling the offshore islands. However, the Chinese garrison forces stood their ground. Then, when thwarted in their aggressive military action, the Reds shifted to peace offensive by dangling out a cease fire offer. This was summarily ignored by the National Government. As a means of saving face, the Reds eventually resorted to the unheard of tactics by shelling on odd days and ceasing fire on even days.
During the Strait war up to September 1959, the Reds had fired more than 650,000 shells of various calibers estimated at a cost of US$32,500,000. The war results up to September 1959 were: government garrison forces destroyed 280 Red heavy artillery pieces, 113 gun emplacements, 113 camouflage points, 26 ammunition depots, 6 oil dumps and 4 barracks. Sunk were 94 Communist motorized transport ships and possibly sunk 18 others.
In the sea battles the Red navy suffered losses in 21 gunboats and PT boats sunk and nine others damaged, 18 motorized transports sunk and three Communist sailors captured.
The Communists, however, suffered the heaviest in the air battles. A total of 36 Communist MIG-17's were downed and 12 others possibly downed.
Peiping's part in the Indochina war of 1944 and the recent Laotian crisis were well reported by the foreign press. Only this month, it was said that Peng Teh-huai, who commanded the "Chinese Volunteer Forces" in Korea and was Peiping's last "minister of defense," was directing the Laotian operation from Yunnan.
Tibet Uprising & Border Disputes
The Chinese Communists further glared their aggressive teeth in 1949 by ruthlessly suppressing the Tibetan revolt, instigating and supporting the war in Laos and starting border disputes with India and Burma.
The Reds hurled substantial armed might into Tibet and killed wantonly 30,000 Tibetans late in March 1959 when the Tibetan people under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, their spiritual and temporal leader, started an uprising against the Communist rulers. Although the main force of the revolt was subdued after three days of heavy fighting in Lhasa, Tibetans are still conducting guerilla warfare throughout their forbidden land. The Dalai Lama eventually made his way to India and was given refuge there.
The Laotian. Government announced on July 30, 1959 that Communist bands in northern Laos had begun attacking government outposts. It said that the rebel bands did not belong to the former Pathet Lao battalion which fled last May before it was to be integrated into the national army. It said that the rebel bands were composed entirely of new groups trained and equipped by the North Vietnamese and Chinese Communists.
The border guards of the Chinese Communist army repeatedly crossed into disputed border areas with Burma in May-June 1959. In one incident, the Chinese Communists crossed the disputed line between Sinlum and Namkhan and ordered ten Kachin tribesmen to quit the area where they were engaged in hillside cultivation. The tribesman refused and the Reds opened fire. Five Kachins were wounded. In another incident, a Red Chinese patrol crossed into Burma near Lweje and shot up two Kachin villagers who were fishing in a mountain stream.
Prime Minister Nehru of India told the Parliament on August 13, 1959 that Red Chinese leaders in Tibet were laying claims to Bhutan, Sikkim and part of India. K.H. Khurdish, president of Kashmir, on August 17, 1959 called attention of the United Nations Security Council to what he called the grim situation created by the occupation of Ladakh, an eastern province of Kashmir, by the Chinese Communists. At the end of August, Communist troops were reported to have captured the Indian border post of Linju in the mountainous Northeastern Frontier Agency. Meanwhile, the Daily Mail, a London newspaper, reported more fighting at several places on the Tibetan-Indian border. It said that several clashes had been fought as Chinese Communist troops tried to infiltrate at several points into Indian territory. It also reported that some casual ties were suffered on the Indian side.